A war does not only march on roads. It enters bedrooms, kitchens, train stations, and the hidden corners of the human body. During World War II, the Japanese Empire built one of the largest systems of organized sexual slavery in modern history. The women trapped inside it became known by a chilling euphemism: “comfort women.” The phrase sounds almost harmless, like something from a hotel brochure or a polite bureaucratic memo. That softness was deliberate. Empires often rename brutality so that ordinary people can live beside it without feeling its weight. Most of these women came from colonized or occupied territories across Asia. Many were Korean girls living under Japanese colonial rule. Others came from China, the Philippines, Indonesia, Taiwan, and elsewhere. Some were kidnapped outright. Others were deceived with promises of factory jobs, nursing work, or restaurant employment. Poverty did the rest. Families living under occupation often stood little chance against military networks that could move people like cargo. Inside military brothels called “comfort stations,” the women faced relentless violence. Survivors later described rooms lined with soldiers waiting in queues, medical inspections that treated them like contaminated equipment, and punishments for resistance. Many were teenagers. Some were barely adolescents. Disease spread rapidly. Pregnancies were forcibly terminated. Suicide became common. The military justified the system as a way to maintain troop morale and reduce uncontrolled sexual violence. But this logic reveals something dark about modern states. Bureaucracy does not erase cruelty. It industrializes it. After the war, silence settled over the survivors like dust after an explosion. In many Asian societies, sexual violence carried enormous stigma. Women who returned home were often treated as damaged or dishonorable. Some never married. Others hid their experiences from their own children. Governments, meanwhile, found strategic reasons to look away. During the Cold War, geopolitical alliances mattered more than historical justice. Then, decades later, survivors began speaking publicly. Elderly women appeared before cameras and courts carrying memories they had buried since youth. Their testimonies transformed the issue from rumor into undeniable historical reckoning. Bronze statues of young girls now stand in several cities across the world, often seated quietly on empty chairs. The statues feel small compared to the scale of the crime. Yet perhaps that is the point. History often survives not through monuments to power, but through fragile symbols of interrupted lives. Some nationalists still argue that these women were voluntary prostitutes rather than enslaved victims. Yet this defense collapses under scrutiny. Consent inside military occupation, colonial domination, poverty, and coercion becomes almost meaningless. A starving teenager transported across borders by armed officials does not enter freedom simply because paperwork exists somewhere. The comfort women system forces an uncomfortable realization. Modern civilization is perfectly capable of organizing horror with efficiency, schedules, and official stamps. Evil rarely arrives screaming. Often it arrives wearing uniforms, carrying documents, and speaking in administrative language calm enough to sound reasonable. Empires rarely describe their violence honestly. They soften it with language first.
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Which one of the following can be most reasonably inferred about the author’s understanding of bureaucracy?
A) Bureaucratic systems become morally dangerous primarily when operated by authoritarian governments during wartime. | B) Bureaucracy possesses the ability to transform individual acts of violence into impersonal systems that appear administratively rational. | C) Bureaucracy functions mainly to distance ordinary citizens psychologically from state violence committed in their name. | D) Bureaucratic institutions inevitably evolve toward dehumanization because efficiency and morality are fundamentally incompatible.
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Which one of the following, if true, would least weaken the author’s rejection of the claim that the women participated voluntarily?
A) Some women initially accepted offers of overseas employment before discovering the true conditions awaiting them. | B) A small number of comfort stations operated through civilian intermediaries rather than direct military administration. | C) Certain survivors later described forming emotional bonds or survival-based relationships with particular soldiers. | D) Many women lacked realistic alternatives because colonial occupation, poverty, and military coercion severely constrained meaningful choice.
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Which one of the following best explains the role played by the statues of young girls discussed in the passage?
A) They symbolize the inability of modern legal systems to adequately punish wartime crimes against women. | B) They contrast the fragility of personal suffering with the vast impersonality of state-sponsored violence. | C) They illustrate how public memorials can transform private trauma into instruments of nationalist political identity. | D) They demonstrate that symbolic remembrance ultimately possesses greater historical power than official documentation or military archives.
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Which one of the following, if true, would most seriously weaken the passage’s argument regarding the significance of the term “comfort women”?
A) The Japanese military maintained official administrative records concerning the transport and medical regulation of women inside comfort stations. | B) Many survivors of the comfort station system initially remained silent because of social stigma and fear of ostracization. | C) Several wartime governments historically employed softened bureaucratic language to describe coercive or violent state policies. | D) The euphemistic phrase “comfort women” emerged largely after the war through translation practices rather than as a deliberate wartime strategy of concealment.
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